‘North Korean is not a socialist state.’

(By guest blogger, Andy Jackson)

This is the last in a four-part series on lectures concerning human rights in North Korea delivered at Sogang University in Seoul on November 26, 2005. The text in block quotes were taken from notes of translation of the lecture and supplemented by an article written by Kim on the same topic. Any inaccuracies in the text are strictly my own.

Apostates are often the most vehement of critics. Such is the case with Kim Young Hwan. Here is some background on Kim from Free Republic:

Kim Young-hwan used to be a major figure in leftwing underground student circles in 80’s. He was called the godfather of Juche ideology among leftwing students. He went by a pen-name “Kang-chol.” He propagated Juche ideology among students, using a underground publication known as “Kang-chol Letters.” He is arguably the best authority of Juche ideology in S. Korea, next to Hwang Jang-yop, the original architect of Juche ideology and now a defector in the South. He even went to N. Korea, contacting a N. Korean spy and riding a N. Korean submarine to Pyongyang. He actually met Kim Il-sung and talked for two hours face-to-face, an astonishing fete. However, he recollected that he was disappointed at Kim Il-sung afterwards, because Kim Il-sung himself knew surprisingly little about Juche ideology. In his observation, Kim’s knowledge of Marx-Leninism was OK. In mid-90’s, he had a major change of heart, especially finding out widespread famine in N. Korea. He flipped 180 degrees. He is now a N. Korean human-right activist, and working for ending tyranny in the North and bring democracy. He has become, in short, the implacable enemy of N. Korean regime, and one of the best theoreticians against N. Korean ideology.

Bradley Martin has more on Kim’s experience as North Korean agent, which seems to substantiate was a previous lecturer had said that day.

By the time Kim has started his presentation, after a short film, two previous lectures and a coffee break, the audience had shrunk from about 90 to roughly 50. Kim’s lecture lacked the emotional strength of the previous lectures. But he gave important (if not new to those who are familiar with the topic) information about the nature of the North Korean system.

From 1945 to 1967, North Korean society did not differ much in its ideology and values from other socialist regimes. It was, in many ways, similar to Eastern European societies.

In 1967, Kim Il-sung purged political leaders and purged military leaders in 1969. Kim then started his ‘one person dictatorship.’ It was similar to Stalinism and Maoist China but Kim’s dictatorship was ‘more serious.’ [sic]

After 1967 Juche ideology was followed. Kim believed that, if he put emphasis on Marxist-Leninist ideology, his politics would never be free of Chinese or Soviet interference and he would not be able to secure complete power. The emphasis was not on the ideology but on the fact that Kim Il-sung founded the ideology. North Korean society was becoming ‘deideologized.’ studies of Marxism and Leninism were reduced with more emphasis on the Kim Il-sung cult of personality. The authority of the Chosun Worker’s Party decreased. Kim did’t attend assembly meetings and simply told them what laws to pass. Therefore, after 1967 North Korea can be considered a one-person dictatorship.

North Korean society changed again in the early 1990s. Corruption had been developing in North Korea for some time and by then the problem had begun to surface. You need to bribe people to get things done, even to get permission to deliver humanitarian aid. One Korean-Chinese had to bribe 12 officials along the way in order to see a relative in North Korea. Corruption is so bad that even political prisoners can arrange their release if they have enough money.

There are many symptoms of North Korean system’s collapse. First is the failure of the food distribution system. As the food distribution system collapsed, people started to roam around without permission in order to look for food. The fact that the government could not stop them is a sign that North Korean society was changing. People also started to privately buy and sell food. People who cross the border these days are only lightly punished.

Idealization of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il is collapsing. In the 1980s it was difficult for defectors to call Kim Jong-il and Kim Il-sung by their names [out of ingrained deference]. Defectors today have little problem calling them by their names.

The state-owned property system is collapsing. Only 20% of state-owned factories are operating. The underground economy is 2 or 3 times bigger than the official economy. State economic plans are of little meaning and the state no longer holds economic significance.

There are three official economies: the state, private (Kim Jong-il’s personal businesses and property) and the military. Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il took advantage of that system. The North Korean economy has been mostly ‘privitized’ by Kim Jong-il. Kim Jong-il openly uses all state property as if it were his own personal property. The People of North Korea are nothing more than laborers in Kim Jong-il’s personal factories and farms. They are more fit to be called slaves.
All systems of socialism (party rulership, nationalization of property and state economic control) have broken down in North Korea. Therefore North Korea is can no longer be considered a socialist state. It resembles a feudal state or a military dictatorship, but it most closely resembles a ‘Mafia’ (organized crime) government.

NK has no ideology.

The people who support socialism should be supporting democracy in North Korea because Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il took advantage of socialism to rule North Korea. In South Korea there are many discussions on ideology and North Korea.

The South Korean ‘Sunshine’ policy is one of aid to North Korea so that they will open up like China did. However, it will not succeed. In 1978 China started to open up but North Korea [economically] collapsed because its system is too fragile. It is vulnerable to being undermined by outside ideas. Therefore it would be impossible for North Korea to open up like China did. North Korea opens some then closes again. [This month] North Korea prohibited the private sale of rice again and is trying to reinstate the old system. So we can not expect North Korea to go the way of China. The only way to improve the North Korean economy is the overthrow of Kim Jong-il.

I see that there are many Korea and foreign students here. Today most South Korean students don’t care about politics or they support the Sunshine policy, but I urge the students in this room to talk to other students about the problem of the sunshine policy.

QUESTIONS
Q: What are you suggesting as an alternative to the Sunshine policy? Also, what can students do about unification? What is their role?

A: I think there are two levels. On the governmental level, the South Korean government should pressure North Korea. Outside pressure forced changes in North Korean system in 2000. There should be more pressure on the North Korean government. On the NGO level, they should work to empower North Korean people to change their own society from the inside. They can send books and leaflets to North Korea or make radio broadcasts to North Korea.

Students need to learn about what is exactly going on in North Korea. They can read books and go to lectures. They can meet with North Koreans defectors. They can get involved with human rights groups. Those who want to do more can go to China to help North Koran refugees, although that is dangerous.

Q: To what extent is Hanchongryon supported and financed by North Korea and what made you leave it?

A: Hanchongryon has a lot of money on its own, so support from North Korea was relatively limited. North Korea helped some of their overseas offices. They receive much ideological guidance from North Korea. In 1991 I secretly went to North Korea. I met scholars and even Kim Il-sung. I was disappointed that there was no freedom to study juche ideology. That led to work towards democracy in North Korea.

Q: Do you still believe in Juche as an ideology? [question from yours truly]

A: (laughs) I don’t believe in Juche as practiced in North Korea… But the ideology as created by Hwang Jang-yeop, I think, has value and could be studied.

Kim Young-hwan is on the editorial board of the Daily NK.